Musharraf had tried a variety of initiatives as CEO to restore the economy, empower women, devolve power, portray minorities, and provide press opportunities. Progress, liberation, and privatization dominated his financial strategies. Under Musharraf’s direction, Pakistan’s gross domestic product grew by 6% annually from 2000 to 2007 from a 1999-2000 level of 3.9%. While the amount of unknown direct speculation (FDI) increased from US$ 4.87 billion to US$ 13.195 billion in 2007, the income ranges increased from Rs308 billion each year in 1999 to Rs846 billion in 2007. The unknown obligation decreased to $34 billion from $38.5 billion.
Musharraf’s efforts in the area of women’s empowerment were enormous. He helped women from all walks of life achieve their individual freedoms. Musharraf had once again proposed held seats for women in the parliament, common assembly, and senate in order to improve women’s political representation. Under the Devolution Plan of 2001, a further 33% was reserved for women in each of the three levels of local government.
Six women were selected for the government bureau, and 10% of positions in focal unrivaled administrations were reserved for women, with the goal of increasing the number of women in leadership positions. Additionally, the Criminal Regulation (Change) Act of 2004, which was enacted to ensure the effective suppression of instances of honor killings, is one of a number of additional measures to engage women socially. and the Assurance of Ladies Act of 2006, which was enacted to rectify the Hudood Mandate laws of 1979, which were severely criticized, and to ensure women’s equality and safety. During Musharraf’s tenure, the percentage of women who attended college increased from 32% in 1999 to 42% in 2007.
Musharraf devised the Devolution of Force Plan in 2001 to transfer organization and funds to local legislatures in order to guarantee a true vote-based system. In addition, during Musharraf’s residence, which served as a working space for the dissemination of private news channels, a secret news channel unrest was observed. Musharraf once more introduced the joint electorate framework to build the political portrayal and impact of minorities in order to broaden their political representation.
The recovery of the Certainty Building Measures (CBM) between India and Pakistan, set apart by the composite discourse between Musharraf and Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 2004-2005, was the primary accomplishment Musharraf accomplished on a territorial level. The Four Point Equation that Musharraf proposed during the exchanges to explain the long-standing conflict in Kashmir was extremely important because it was accepted by all three parties—India, Pakistan, and especially the Kashmiris. In any case, the CBMs were soon agitated, but Musharraf’s plan continues to be the right one to be considered as the one that will settle the dispute.
Nothing can serve as a reward or support for Musharraf’s ill-conceived rule, despite the accomplishments of his standard. Pakistan has lost a lot of money as a result of military dictators repeatedly violating the Constitution. In addition, Musharraf was a crucial US partner in the fight against fear, which led to an increase in psychological oppression throughout Pakistan. It is currently simple to demonstrate that this is incorrect, regardless of whether Musharraf made the decision or it was a consequence of the “with us or against us” plan. In any case, Musharraf’s double game of fighting enemies and supporting the Taliban was a bad habit that continues to harm Pakistan both inside and outside the country.
Musharraf’s two-fold strategy was responsible for the rise of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in 2007, their expansion into ancestral regions and subsequent deaths, as well as the country’s deteriorating economy and foundation as a result of psychological warfare. Shortly after forcing the highly sensitive situation and suspending Pakistan’s constitution, Musharraf was ousted. The High Court declared Musharraf’s Temporary Sacred Request (PCO) and the highly sensitive situation to be illegal.
Nevertheless, taking everything into consideration, the affection-disdain relationship that people have with Musharraf reflects both the positive and negative aspects of his standard. Musharraf was neither the worst military dictator nor the best CEO. Musharraf ought to be condemned and praised for who he was and what he did, ignoring any preconceptions. To sum up, the former president will be remembered for seemingly indefinitely for all of the good and bad reasons.